With the lower levels of society serving the interests of the elite, there was little intrinsic group loyalty, and money had to serve as a poor substitute. Indeed, the degree to which the political arrangements and structures instituted by Lee Kuan Yew have warped Singapore society remain largely unexplored in mainstream media.
Read more: Singapore after Lee Kuan Yew
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Back in 1983-1985, Dr Lim Teck Ghee received a research grant from the Rockefeller Foundation to study developmental NGOs serving as critics of bureaucracy that walked the tightrope between permissible and ‘subversive’ or ‘anti-national’ dissent in order to persuade the power holders to decentralize authority or establish public control systems for ensuring adequate social accountability.
Read more: We top Asean in (genuine) NGOs
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Affirmative action doesn’t exist in a vacuum. What is fundamental is not receiving the privilege but what happens after one receives the privilege. One has a duty to do his best with the opportunities conferred.
Read more: The moral responsibilities of affirmative action beneficiaries
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The argument of 'Malay Dominance' inverts the doctrine of constitutional supremacy, which usually applies to impose hard legal limits on state power to protect citizens. Umno, on the other hand, relies on the doctrine to impose hard legal limits on popular politics.
Read more: Public interest litigation in Malaysia
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Najib Razak’s attempts to broaden the investment horizon in Malaysia through cutting back on ethnic Malay ownership privileges appear to be dead, along with his 1Malaysia attempts to reach out to other races following the GE13 where the BN was hit by what the PM described as the "Chinese tsunami".
Read more: Post-election payback time in Malaysia
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