It is established theory in political sociology that potential ‘class conflict’ is endemic to democratically elected governments.

Applying theories of imperialism and colonialism, I have shown in my Oxford doctoral thesis that in the case of Malaysia, the manipulation of British colonial policies of indirect rule, and divide and rule resulted in ‘intra-class conflict’ within and between the different communities. These fissions in time became manifested in ethnocentric and racial formations that were inherently inimical to nation-building and national unity in contemporary Malaysia.
 
Today these divisions have become deep-seated and structural, and need immediate attention to remedy. Drawing on my academic work and the sociological projects with various government agencies, I am proposing the following reforms to cut through these divisions.

I am confident that these reforms will directly deconstruct and reconstruct the existing flawed social institutional structure where it is most needed, and thereby reduce the serious ethnic/racial polarization that currently exists and appears to be aggravated by the formation of new social movements such as Perkasa.
 
It is also clear that the national policy implementation apparatus for national unity over the years has been seriously compromised through political power and financial corruption. Hence it is necessary that the reforms should be undertaken within the structure of a new National Operations Council to be headed by an Ombudsman.

For the implementation to be effective, it is proposed that the appointment of the latter should be that of the Chief of the Armed Forces on an initial two-year, short-term contract  
 
The proposed reforms are:

1. Granting free land titles to all tenant land operators continuously working during the past five years or more on agricultural lands of 5ha or less, whether in padi cultivation, oil palm, rubber smallholdings or vegetable production. The same liberal policy should be extended to all TOL operators.

It is estimated that nearly 70% of all land operators work as tenants where they have to pay double rents for double cropping of padi, and high rates as cash advances to cultivate rented land. Granting this group individual land titles (free) will not only relieve them from institutional poverty conditions but will also enable them to use their titles as collateral for bank loans for development.  
 
2. Upgrading of the in-shore fishing industry to trawler fishing. The latter has, and continues to undermine the traditional fishing industry. This ruins the livelihood of the in-shore fishermen. Upgrading the latter to trawler fishing status would be an important positive development for the industry as a whole.  
 
3. Total deconstruction and reconstruction of Felda and all other government-sponsored land development schemes.

These schemes have seriously deviated from the original objective of creating viable and modern self-sustaining settlements for the landless. The management, in most cases, is now owned and controlled by bureaucrats who have alienated the settlers from involvement in the most crucial areas policymaking.  
 
4. The divestment of government control over Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB) with majority ownership and control bestowed on the workers in the plantation industry

The ‘dawn raid’ in the nationalizing of the expatriate rubber conglomerates resulted in the establishment of PNB mostly for the Umno political elite. The workers, Indians and Malays – though mostly Indians – and their forefathers upon whose backs the industry was built were totally left out.
 
5. To complete the granting of land tiles to all settlers in Chinese new villages.

The benefits are obvious and will put a stop to residents having to continuously pay fines for ‘illegally’ cultivating their own land!

 
It is also necessary that the Ombudsman will have full powers to appoint consortium of professionals and other experts to implement these reforms to make them happen in the shortest possible time.  

Dr Collin Abraham received his Masters in the Sociology of Development from the University of Wisconsin and his PhD from Oxford.